Ethiopian Chrstians (Pentes think Ethiopia is a chrstian kingdom and Islam should not be tollrated by Europe and USA)

www.nazrett.com Home of Ethiopian News and Blog Breaking News Christian Tolerance, Islamic Jihad I am trying to put forth the thesis that the Ethiopian Christian Kingdom, prior to the great Muslim devastation from 1527 to 1543, was essentially a non-imperialistic nation, with a tolerant attitude toward its non-Christian subjects and regions. This tolerance, in its many forms as I will discuss below, allowed Islam to flourish during moments of weakness within the Ethiopian Kingdom, and eventually allowed the Muslims to mobilize into a destructive jihad in the mid-sixteenth century. Ahmad ibn Ibrihim al-Ghazi (1506-1543) known as Grañ or the Left-Handed by the Christian Ethiopians, spearheaded Ethiopia’s devastation by the Muslims from 1527 to his death on the battlefield in 1543. Grañ was from the southeastern Muslim tributary of Adal. He monopolized the acute jihadist mood of the Muslims of the time, sparked by constant defeats by Christian Ethiopia, and set out to lead this jihad himself. Having killed the sultan of Adal, he proclaiming himself both leader and Imam, and started his campaign by refusing to pay tributes to the Ethiopian Emperor. During his scourge, he managed to ravage the Christian Ethiopian Kingdom of much of its churches, monasteries, religious art and sacred texts, and embarked on the total Islamization of the country. At his death, his movement disintegrated, and Ethiopians were able to rebuild their lost Kingdom. The Ethiopian Kingdom, prior to Grañ’s uprising, was essentially a heterogeneous region, with Muslims, Pagans, northerners and southerners living under the dominant Christian Amhara civilization. This tolerant attitude was also practiced in the peripheral tributaries where the only expectation the Christian Ethiopians had of these regions was that they pay periodic taxes and tributes. These regions were left alone for the most part to practice their own religions and customs. Muslim tributaries also played an important role in trade routes and as intermediary traders. Ethiopian Christians were not really interested in leaving their highland Kingdom behind to live in the less appealing lowlands. On a deeper level, their Christian and “neighborly” preference was to leave their tributaries as they were without interfering too much. Certainly there were elements of proselytization, especially with the important monastic culture of the Ethiopian Church, but there was too much to integrate within the Church itself—between Church and State, between the various Orthodox factions, between Egypt’s Copts and appointed Patriarchs, etc. But wherever there was interaction between Ethiopian monarchs and their Muslim tributaries, Muslims were not treated any differently than the other non-Muslims of the Kingdom. They may have received even more tolerance in view of their importance as trade middlemen, and also their strong and cohesive culture and system. Yet, at the great moment of destruction, the Muslims had a completely different strategy, of annihilation in fact, of the Christian elements, despite the friendly beginnings between Ethiopia and the Muslims at the early stages of Islam’s history. Here is a summary of how I came to these conclusions. Earliest contacts with Muslims describe the refuge the Ethiopian (by now Christian) Aksum Kingdom gave to Muslims fleeing persecution, around 615 AD, including Mohammed’s son-in-law. This exempted Ethiopia from the jihad which started to take place in nearby regions. Later on, when the Muslims had control over Jerusalem, Ethiopian pilgrims were allowed to travel there, and even maintain holy sites in the city. Ethiopia depended on the Egyptian Copts to send the Abunes or Patriarchs from time to time. This led to conflicts and skirmishes with Muslim Egypt. At times, Ethiopian Christians even spoke out against mistreatment of Copts, often with beneficial results Perhaps the most significant contact Ethiopia had directly with Muslims and the Muslim world was through trade. Important trade caravans traveled from the interior of Ethiopia to the coastal outlets to the Red Sea and out to Egypt, Yemen, even as far out as India and Southern Europe. The caravans were controlled by Muslims from across the Red Sea, and also involved Ethiopian Muslims from within the Kingdom. These caravans eventually resulted with important Muslim settlements in the peripheries of the Christian Kingdom, Ethiopian Muslims lived peacefully and affluently in Ethiopia proper through their privileged role in trade, and received most of the benefits of Ethiopian citizenry. The peripheral Muslim regions were expected to pay tributes to maintain their inland routes with their trade caravans. As these Muslim settlements grew, they started to push for expansion inland, but were curtailed and some were put under some type of Ethiopian rule. This aggression, though, was initiated by the Muslims. Emperor Amda Siyon I (1313-1344) was really continuing with the strategy of bringing these trade routes under Ethiopian control (to reduce the Muslims’ aggression and to optimize the Ethiopian economy) when he began his ambitious expansionist scheme. It was more politico-economic rather than religiously motivated. Such Muslim lands that Amda Siyon and his predecessors put under Ethiopian control were expected to pay taxes and tributes, like any other non-Muslim regions. But they were generally left alone to pursue their own cultures and religions. They were, in effect, semi-autonomous regions, with their own rulers, religions and cultures. One important characteristic of the Ethiopians was their reluctance, as a group, to venture out of their beloved highlands into the “colonies.” Mostly this was a “laissez-faire,” tolerant attitude. Also, it was a lack of desire to live with heathen peoples, in inhospitable and climatically difficult areas. Another aspect is the heterogeneity of the Kingdom itself, with Ethiopian Muslims, Pagans, and other ethnicities from tributary regions living within the Kingdom, albeit all under the umbrella of the dominant Amhara Christian culture of the Ethiopians. Although the Ethiopians were expanding their Kingdom initially as a reaction to Muslim aggression, Amda Siyon’s “I am the Emperor of all the Muslims in the land of Ethiopia” was really said in a spirit of inclusion, not aggression. This is shown by his tolerance of the Muslims’ beliefs and way of life, and by his continuing his precedessors’ policy of allowing the Muslims to live in semi-autonomous peripheral regions practicing their religion freely within their own ethnic, social and cultural structures. While peripheral Muslim regions showed signs of submission, paying taxes and deferring to the Emperor of the time, they still used any opportunity to advance aggressively into Ethiopia, or to subvert what they believed to be a weak ruler. This invariably resulted with regional wars, from which the Ethiopians always returned victorious. These conflicts continued after Amda Siyon’s death, causing another Emperor, Zara Yaqob (1399-1468), to use more stringent methods such as forced conversions, which even got him admonishment from the clergy who criticized his mistreatment of Muslims through “futile deaths of men, arrests and beatings.” The regularly defeated and bitter Muslims finally declared jihad on Ethiopia. This was a far cry from the jihad-free promise they gave Ethiopians at the time persecuted Muslims were given refuge by the Aksumite Kingdom in early Islamic history. A number of factors contributed the Muslim leader Ahmad ibn Ibrihim al-Ghazi’s (Grañ’s) success. - Help from other Muslims, namely the Ottomans, who provided firearms to the Muslims, weapons which the Ethiopians did not have until later via the Portuguese. - Weakened religious and social structures within the Kingdom itself, due to the now heterogeneous society, intermarriage with Muslims and other non-Christians, conversions from Christianity, and other social factors. - Rivalries between feudal Ethiopian lords and lack of allegiance to the Emperor and the Kingdom, often with a weak Emperor at the realm. - Compromises and leniency toward the peripheral Muslim settlements—especially during uprisings and rebellions—by later Emperors, unlike Amda Siyon’s and Zara Yaqob’s stringent reactions. - Fear of Catholicism by an important ally, the Portuguese, whose assistance was sought later rather than sooner. Grañ was thus able to exploit these internal weaknesses, and set to destroy all of Christian Ethiopia and supplant her with a purely Muslim state. Quite different from the tolerant Ethiopian Emperors which allowed Muslims to sustain their beliefs, cultures and religions. Thus, my conclusion is that the Ethiopian Kingdom never set out to be an invasive, imperialistic presence. It tolerated semi-autonomous Muslim regions which it brought under control to monopolize trade routes and curtail Muslim aggression. Muslims lived peaceably in “greater” Ethiopia until they felt they could take advantage of the situation, and attacked, although they were continually defeated. But Grañ finally came with all the circumstances on his side. Ethiopians never endeavored mass, forced, conversions, never tried to coerce different ethnicities to change their cultures and societies, and for the most part left the Muslim regions apart from Ethiopia proper as semi-autonomous tributaries. And the Ethiopian Muslims (who were citizens of the Kingdom and not part or the regional settlements) lived affluent and privileged lives as traders, and to some extent as ambassadors to foreign lands where they took their caravans. The degree of intolerance set by Grañ during his five years of destruction with his aim of a “Futuh” or a complete conquest of Ethiopia was spectacular. All references to Christianity, churches, monasteries, religious art, sacred books, etc. were destroyed. And the Ethiopians were to live as a completely subjugated people. But, with the help of the Portuguese, and more astute leaders—Libna Dingel (1508-1540) and his son Gelawdewos (1540-1559)—the Muslims were finally driven out, and Ethiopia retrieved lost lands. It is hard to say how the Ethiopians should have dealt with these problematic Muslim tributaries. They could have been more diligent with their proselytization, or they could have depended less on Muslim traders and trade routes and consolidated this economy solely under Christian Ethiopians. Nonetheless, their non-interventionist style allowed Islam to flourish over the years, to devastating effect. My small readings about other Christian lands, their treatment of Muslims, the treatment by Muslims of Christians and other ethnic and religious groups, indicate to me that Muslims are generally and consistently intolerant of other ethnic and religious groups, and this trend continues today. The United States, Canada and Europe, it seems to me, are in a very similar situation in which Ethiopia found herself those many centuries ago. These tolerant, heterogeneous societies, giving equal or even priviliged treatment to Muslims, may all one day dissipate when internal weaknesses and external forces give Muslims—both within and without the West—the strength to carry out their destruction. I strongly believe that Muslims are not to be underestimated in any manner whatsoever.

Nile River Basin States in Appeal to Countries

www.nazrett.com Home of Ethiopian News and Blog Breaking News Nairobi — Countries of the River Nile basin have appealed to Egypt and Sudan to co-operate in the formulation of an agreement which would allow equitable utilisation of water resources. Water minister Charity Ngilu said it was unfair for the two countries to maintain a status quo on the usage of the Nile water resources at the expense of other states. Mrs Ngilu noted that the prolonged and protracted consultations on the Nile basin collaborative framework was causing anxiety and displeasure amongst riparian countries which are not benefiting from the resource. The minister said the 1929 agreement between Egypt and the United Kingdom has been viewed as protecting the interests of the developed downstream riparian states at the expense of the underdeveloped upstream states. Mrs Ngilu said: "We want the legal framework swiftly concluded and operationalised to save the Lake Victoria and reassure the livelihood of 15 million people bordering the basin. "Kenya expects Egypt and Sudan to cooperate since their needs are best served through the conservation of the Lake Victoria basin.We would like the downstream riparian states to assist in conserving the lake." Mrs Ngilu made the remarks in a speech which was read on her behalf by Water resources director John Nyaoro at Sun N' Sand Beach Resort in Kilifi during a workshop on Climate Change and Transboundary water conflict in Africa. She called on the two countries to ensure peaceful and sustainable development of transboundary waters to avert conflict with other states. The workshop which was organised by Institute for Security Studies was attended by participants from Egypt, Ethiopia, Sudan, Kenya, South Africa, Niger, Zambia among other countries. ISS acting director Roba Sharamo said the organisation through its conflict prevention programme had brought up the riparian countries to find means of tackling the stand-off through dialogue. Mr Sharomo urged Eypt and Sudan to agree to the sharing of the water resources so as to foster cooperation, conservation and boosting food security of riparian countries. An Ethiopian senior researcher Dr Debay Tadesse called for the preparation of a general framework for cooperation in the Nile River basin with specific reference to equitable utilisation of the water resources. Dr Tadesse said approaches to conflict resolution and resource management would develop the upstream riparian countries which were unable to meet food security. The reseracher demanded for the revision of the status quo through the generation of options to avoid potential confrontation and enhance stability and conservation of the water resources. "The first logical step is to discuss the issue of the Nile with a desire to finding a lasting solution. The degree of mistrust characterising the riparian countries has to be avoided through mutual agreement," Dr Tadesse said. Sustainable Development He noted that both the 1929 and 1959 agreements were only bilateral and did not include the other riparian countries of the Nile despite the fact that partitioning was done for all of the river's waters. The reseasrcher said unless the water resources were shared equally among the concerned states a conflict might occur. "The existing model based on the status quo early and mid 20th century is deeply flawed. The agreements which were made many years ago have been rejected by the rest of the riparian countries and this might trigger a conflict," he added. When reached for comment over the issue on the sidelines of the workshop, Dr Magdy Hefny who is the director of the regional centre for research and studies of water ethics said he was not in a position to talk about the matter.

In Ethiopia, millions face hunger as drought sweeps East Africa

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Waves of erratic weather and poor crop production are cascading toward a new disaster in Ethiopia: 6.2 million Ethiopians are now facing hunger as a devastating drought grips East Africa. They are in need of immediate food assistance.


For families of herders and part-time farmers in the Oromiya and Tigray regions, the need is particularly acute. Malnutrition levels among the poorest of them have climbed above emergency thresholds set by the World Health Organization. In addition to those needing this emergency assistance, the Ethiopian government is helping 7.5 million other people with food and cash through its Productive Safety Net Program.



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Bossaso - The United Nations is assisting Somalia's Puntland State government institute a better public f...Oxfam America is responding to the new crisis with a multi-part relief plan that aims to help about 350,000 people in Tigray and Oromiya. The initiative, which needs the financial support of donors to reach all the intended beneficiaries, includes supplemental feeding for mothers and children, meals for school children, a cash-for-work program that provides families with money to buy food in exchange for labor on community projects, and veterinary care for livestock. The latter will help to ensure cattle, goats, and sheep can weather the drought and continue to provide critical food and income for herding families.



"If we are able to respond in a timely way, we can reach these people, save lives, save livelihoods, and help people to be resilient to future shocks," said Abera Tola, Oxfam America's regional director for the Horn of Africa.



In parts of Oromiya's Borena Zone, the pressure on dwindling resources has increased as migrating herders and their livestock have swept in from Kenya in search of pasture and water. An Oxfam assessment team, sent to the region in early August, reported an estimated 100,000 extra animals, mostly cattle, were severely straining the water supply around in the Moyale, Dillo, Dirre, Teltelle and Arrero districts. In Dillo, the situation was so dire that families in five different areas evacuated their villages.



"The ponds are dry. The land is barren. There is nothing green," said Tola. "People are desperate."



In the dry, rural parts of Ethiopia people have long lived with periodic drought, and they have found ways to cope, such as by selling a few heads of healthy livestock and using the cash to buy food. But with droughts becoming increasingly frequent, there is little time—or no time—between them for families to recover their assets and build a new buffer against hardship. Instead, each bout of dry weather pushes many people deeper into poverty, making them more vulnerable to the next round of trouble.



"Drought is like fire," said an Oromiya elder looking back on last year's severe shortage of rain. "It just destroyed every household."



Finding a new way to live



In the Liben district of Oromiya's Guji Zone, the changes in weather patterns are pushing some herders to give up part of their old way of life—and turn to farming as a solution. Along the banks of the chocolaty Dawa River, Huka Balambal is growing onions and corn with the help of a small irrigation system he devised himself: A noisy pump connected to a long line of hose sucks water from the Dawa and spills it through a maze of muddy channels that Balambal has dug.



Tending solely to animals is what he had done all his life—until now. At 64, with no education and a large family to support, Balambal knew he had to do something different: the days of abundant milk from his cattle and plentiful grasses for them to feed on are gone. In the decades since he was a boy, the pastureland, and consequently the livestock, have declined, he said.



"I think, how can I survive this way?" Balambal asked. "How can I manage my family and care for my children. I look around and see the only solution is change of livelihood."



Along another stretch of the Dawa, where Oxfam America is working with the Liben Pastoralist Development Association, or LPDA, to build a full-scale irrigation system for 200 families, Edo Godana voiced some of the same worry.



"During our father's time it was very nice rain and a lot of milk and grass," he said. "Now, things have totally changed. I've been trying to cultivate land by rain, and it frequently collapses. We have fear for our children. What's going on?"



It's a question that's weighing on countless herders and rain-dependent farmers across Ethiopia as one difficult season gives way to the next. In the face of a changing climate, Oxfam has been working with people like Balmbal and Godana on longer-term solutions to the problems erratic weather creates. Pasture restoration, road construction, and helping people build small herds of milking goats are just some of the answers.



"Drought is a part of our lives," said Kote Ibrahim, LPDA's director. "How can we get out from it? We've reached consensus. We need sustainable development interventions."



And, added Tola, the underlying causes of poverty, which make people so susceptible to drought, must also be addressed.



"Poor people need a voice," said Tola. "Marginalized groups, like herders, need to be included in the development policies of the country. And women need an active role in development also."



Source: Reliefweb.int

Gulf of Aden immigrant rate soars in 2009: UN

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GENEVA — Since the beginning of 2009, a total of 994 boats and 50,400 clandestine migrants have crossed the Gulf of Aden between Somalia and Yemen, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees said Tuesday.




"September and October are the height of the sailing season and the number of arrivals by sea is staggering," UNHCR spokesman Andrej Mahecic said, with the figures representing a 50 percent increase on the same period last year.



The UNHCR said that so far this year 266 people have drowned attempting the crossing with another 153 missing presumed dead. The total dead and missing for all of 2008 was 948.



More than half those making the crossing are Ethiopians, Mahecic said, and almost all the rest Somalis.



"Those who make the crossing are fleeing desperate situations of civil war, political instability, poverty, drought and famine in Somalia and the Horn of Africa," he said.



The UN early this month reminded governments and sailors that they are legally obliged to help migrants who embark on the world's seas in vessels that are often unseaworthy.



Copyright © 2009 AFP. All rights reserved. More

Top Ethiopian Singer Kemer Yususf forms Oromia Airways (Abadula Airway?)

www.nazrett.com Home of Ethiopian News and Blog Breaking News

By Andualem Sisay-

Addis Ababa (September 28, 2009) – Kemer yusuf, known as among the best Ethiopian singer of Oromo music, steps into the growing local flight business of Ethiopia by forming Oromia Airways jointly with two Ethiopians business men.

Dinku Deyasa, Engineer Elias Ebsa and the Toronto-based musician, have now established DEK Oromia Plc with an initial investment of 40 million birr (around 3.2 million USD).Three businessmen who joined together and formed Oromia Airways have now secured two aircrafts with 14 and 19 passenger seats, Captain Abiy Makonnen Beri, Chief Operating Officer of the airways told AfricaNews.

“We have finalized everything related to funding and regulations and ready to start operation before the end of the year 2009,” he said. The airline will start its operation with 20 employees at its Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa hubs.

Oromia Airways also plans to get registered in Uganda and start international flight services by flying to Djibouti, Khartoum and Nairobi, according to Dinku Deyasa, Executive Vice President of Oromia Airways.

According to the Ethiopian government aviation rule, an airline can only be able to have an airplane with less than 20 seats to provide local flight services. Meanwhile, few weeks ago CAA has finalized drafting a new air transport policy which will increase the number of former seats on private domestic flights to 50.

In 2008 – 2009 budget year, the Ethiopian Civil Aviation Authority (CAA) granted operation licenses to a total of five private airlines with a registered capital of 120 million birr.

Amibara Agricultural Development PLc is licensed for pesticide spray and domestic cargo flight services. Teddy Air Transport, Tewodros Engineering Business Plc AberdAir Aviation and Oromia Airways are licensed for non-schedule passenger and cargo flight services.

Amibara Agricultural Development has become operational. It provides pesticide spray and domestic cargo flight service. Teddy Air and Tewodros Engineering Plc is owned by an Ethiopian businessman, Tewdros, who also owns a company called Rosseta. Rosseta last year bought a marble quarry from DMC Marbel, a sister company of DMC construction.

AberAir, which has fully transformed to local flight service two weeks ago was initially hired by Petronas, the Malaysian oil and gas giant which is prospecting for oil in Ethiopia. It is a private airline which provides charter flight service.

The company is owned by British Citizens and is based in Nairobi and registered in Ethiopia as a business of two Ethiopians with initial capital of 5 million birr. The operation of domestic passenger flight service is restricted only to Ethiopian citizens.

Currently there are 22 private investments on passenger, freight, spray and ground handling services with an estimated capital of 959,702,644 birr. However, only nine companies are currently operational.

In Minnesota, Ethiopians Brace for a Dreaded Visit

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By Douglas McGill, TC Daily Planet


September 28, 2009

Pulling up folding chairs to round tables, sipping hot sweet tea out of styrofoam cups and arguing politics into the afternoon, the men at the Horn Afrik café here last weekend all had the name of one man on their lips. Every time that man's name was mentioned, the volume of chatter was deafening.



I was the one native Minnesotan in the café, and a journalist, and when the men there learned that I wanted to hear about this man who was causing such a commotion, they gathered around me, eager to tell their stories and to show me their wounds.



Osman had a scar that runs from his lower lip to the tip of his jaw. Mohamed had a raggedy star-shaped scar in the center of his forehead, and another at the crown of his head. With a dozen men standing around me, I asked how many had scars that they associated with this man whose name was inciting them so much.



Four quickly raised their hands, the others looked at me shyly, sadly, their heads faintly nodding.



Jailing Innocents



The dreaded name is that of Mohamed Daud, the President of the Somali Regional State of Ethiopia, also known as Ogaden.



According to the men at the café, Daud's government, implementing central Ethiopian policy, has transformed the Ogaden into a brutal police state committing crimes against humanity including the jailing of thousands of innocent citizens, torture, rape, killings and the destruction of entire villages.



One specific bit of news set off the agitation I witnessed at the café: Mohamed Daud may visit Minnesota soon, perhaps this week.



"Why is he coming? What does he want to tell us?" asked Hassan, a native of the Ogaden town of Kabridahar, who came to the U.S. in 1996. "The suffering of the Ogaden people is astronomical, so for him to come here is hypocrisy at its peak."



Razed Villages



Widespread crimes against humanity in the Ogaden - many bluntly call it a genocide and "the new Darfur" - are hardly a secret by now.



The Internet is teeming with documentary videos smuggled out of the region (journalists are banned in the Ogaden); the American Association for the Advancement of Science has shown satellite photographs of razed Ogaden villages; and Human Rights Watch has documented "mass detentions without any judicial oversight" which they called "routine;" as well as "widespread and systematic attacks on villages," "killings, torture, rape and forced displacement" for which "the Ethiopian government bears ultimate responsibility."



About 5,000 refugees from the Ogaden live in Minnesota today, making it one of the biggest diaspora populations of Ogaden refugees in the world. Several other Ethiopian ethnic groups, such as the Oromo, the Amhara and Anuak, also have among the world's largest Ethiopian refugee diasporas in the state.



Minnesota Visit



That makes Minnesota a prime target for visits from Ethiopian leaders eager to build support - and to tamp down opposition - among the many Ethiopian refugee groups here.



Last August, Ogaden leaders traveled to Stockholm and London to meet with the Ogaden refugee populations living there, announcing later they had plans to visit North America soon, with Minnesota mentioned in one government announcement.



Then, last week, the Minnesota-Ogaden grapevine, which is fed by people close to the Ethiopian government who live in Minnesota, relayed news that Daud might arrive in Washington as early as this week - and might visit Minnesota soon thereafter.



Fierce Letter



In response, members of Minnesota's Ogadeni community last Friday delivered a fierce letter of protest to Daud's visit from the "Ogaden-American Community" to the Minnesota offices of Senators Al Franken and Amy Klobuchar, Governor Pawlenty, Congressman Keith Ellison, and others.



Speaking of the visiting Daud delegation the letter said: "These individuals are the very reason why we came to the United States, to escape with our lives. Now they are here with the sole reason to intimidate and strike fear in the hearts of Ogaden citizens who are living in Minnesota."



"These men are directly responsible for the continuous man-made drought, raping women and young girls, indiscriminate killing, burning of homes, destroying farms, and many other atrocities going on in Ogaden," the protest letter said.



"Running a Genocide"



The letter encouraged Minnesota officials to reject any overture made to them by the Daud delegation; to recognize the Ogaden tragedy as a genocide; and to hold Daud and other Ethiopian leaders accountable for crimes against humanity in the Ogaden.



The chaos inside the Horn Afrik cafe on Sunday was precisely the effect that Daud wishes to have on the Minnesota diaspora, some men at the cafe said, because emotional outbursts tend to neutralize an otherwise potentially focused and effective Ogaden diaspora.



"He wants to confuse us and intimidate us," said Siyat. "He might want to change our minds, but we can't accept that because he is running a genocide against our people."



International Opinion



None of the men interviewed gave their last names, saying their family members and friends still living in the Ogaden would be at risk of their lives if they did.



In recent years, Ethiopia has engaged its refugee diasporas more, recognizing their increasingly large role in shaping international opinion about Ethiopia.



International opinion is critically important to Ethiopia because its economy is relies largely on foreign aid. Ethiopia was the world's 7th largest recipient of foreign aid in 2006, receiving $1.57 billion in annual aid in the early 2000s, according to the Brookings Institution. Aid revenues could dry up if concerns about human rights abuses increase, and in recent years they have done so dramatically, especially in the Ogaden.



The Ogaden crisis has been sending refugees to Minnesota for more than a decade.



All-Out War



But the crisis worsened dramatically in 2007, when the Ethiopian government stepped up a counter-insurgency campaign against a separatist group, the Ogaden National Liberation Front, which it calls a terrorist organization with ties to Somali jihadists.



Today, nearly every Ogadeni refugee in Minnesota has friends or family members who are in jail, or who have spent significant time in jail, on suspicion supporting ONLF fighters. This is notwithstanding that the ONLF draws members from virtually every Ogaden town and village, so that declaring all-out war on the ONLF and every last one of its supporters is tantamount to declaring war on the entire Ogaden, its people and culture.



When asked how they got their scars, the men at Horn Afrik café all gave the same answer - they were beaten by Ethiopian soldiers, usually struck by their guns.



Fear for Family



"We are all afraid of Daud, even though we live here now," said Osman, a 65-year-old clan elder, who says that he lost two sons killed by Ethiopian soldiers. According to his network of clan members with whom he stays in touch, roughly 8,000 Ogadeni citizens are now being held in military prisons in virtually every city in the region.



They don't fear for themselves so much as for their friends and family back home, other Ogadenis at the café said.



"Daud wants to identify the activists in Minnesota," said Abdi. "He will write down our names so he can then go back and find our family members and put them in jail.



"Of course, he will have his picture taken with a few people here who support him, so he can go back and say his mission to Minnesota was a success."

Ethiopian Dictatorial acts in a passed 2 decades

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n Contempt of… the Truth!


September 28th, 2009
Alemayehu G. Mariam



In Contempt …



Commenting recently on an International Crisis Group (ICG) study dealing with rising ethnic tensions and dissent in advance of the “May 2010” elections, Ethiopia’s arch dictator wisecracked, “This happens as some people have too many billions of dollars to spend and they feel that dictating how, particularly, the developing countries manage their affairs is their God given right and to use their God given money to that purpose. They are entitled to their opinion as we are entitled to ours.”



The dictator’s opinion of the ICG and its findings was predictably boorish: “The analysis (ICG report) is not worth the price of or the cost of writing it up,” he harangued. “We have only contempt for the ICG. You do not respond to something you only have contempt for.” The dictator boasted that his “ethnic federalism” policy had saved the “country [which] was on the brink of total disintegration.” He marshaled anonymous authorities to support his fabricated claim that he is the redeemer of the nation: “Every analyst worth his salt was suggesting that Ethiopia will go the way of Yugoslavia or the Soviet Union. What we have now is a going-concern.”



Daniela Kroslak, ICG’s Deputy Director of the Africa Program, denied the dictator’s wild and bizarre denunciations. At any rate, the dictator’s criticism was a “tale full of sound and fury signifying nothing,” as Shakespeare might have said. He had not read the report! Why? Because it “was not worthy of [his] time.” The dictator unabashedly criticizes a report he had not even read– a textbook case of argumentum ad ignorantiam (argument to ignorance). In other words, because the report is “not worth the cost of the paper it is written on”, it is not “worthy” of being read; therefore, it is false and contemptible.) Trashing a report completed by a respected international think-tank (ICG provides regular advice to governments, and intergovernmental bodies like the United Nations, the European Union and the World Bank) and heaping contempt on its authors is a poor substitute for a rigorous, reasoned and factually-supported refutation of the report’s findings, analysis and arguments.



Truth be told, contempt is the emotional currency of the dictator. ICG just happens to be the latest object of the dictator’s wrathful contempt. The dictator’s record over the past two decades shows that he has total contempt for truth, the Ethiopian people, the rule of law, human rights, the free press, an independent judiciary, dissenters, opposition leaders and parties, popular sovereignty, the ballot box, clean elections, international human rights organizations, international law, international public opinion, Western donors who demand accountability, and even his own supporters who disagree with him and his flunkeys…



The Evidence: Does the ICG and Its Report Deserve Contempt or Credit?



The ICG report is balanced, judicious, honest and meticulously documented. Entitled, “Ethiopia: Ethnic Federalism and Its Discontents” (29 pages without appendix, and an astonishing 315 scholarly and other original source references for such a short report), the report “applauds” the dictator’s constitution for its “commitment to liberal democracy and respect for political freedoms and human rights.” It credits the dictatorship for “stimulating economic growth and expanding public services”. The study even approvingly notes the “proliferation of political parties” under the dictatorship’s watch.



The report is not a whitewash. It also points out failures. The most glaring failure is the radical political “restructuring” engendered by “ethnic federalism” to “redefine citizenship, politics and identity on ethnic grounds.” The study suggests that the “intent [of “ethnic federalism”] was to create a more prosperous, just and representative state for all its people.” However, the result has been the development of “an asymmetrical federation that combines populous regional states like Oromiya and Amhara in the central highlands with sparsely populated and underdeveloped ones like Gambella and Somali.” Moreover, “ethnic federalism” has created “weak regional states”, “empowered some groups” and failed to resolve the “national question”. Aggravating the underlying situation has been the dictatorship’s failure to promote “dialogue and reconciliation” among groups in Ethiopian society, further fueling “growing discontent with the EPRDF’s ethnically defined state and rigid grip on power and fears of continued inter-ethnic conflict.”



The ICG report implicitly criticizes the opposition as well. It notes that they are “divided and disorganized” and unable to publicly show that they could overcome “EPDRF’s” claim that they are not “qualified to take power via the ballot box.” As a result, the 2010 elections “most probably will be much more contentious, as numerous opposition parties are preparing to challenge the EPRDF, which is likely to continue to use its political machine to retain its position.” The study also addresses the role of the international community, which it claims “has ignored or downplayed all these problems.” The donor community is specifically criticized for lacking objective and balanced perspective as they “appear to consider food security more important than democracy in Ethiopia, but they neglect the increased ethnic awareness and tensions created by the regionalisation policy and their potentially explosive consequences.” The report does not even spare the defunct Derg regime, which historically was responsible for “repression, failed economic policy and forced resettlement and ‘villagisation’.”



Of course, none of the foregoing is known to those who are willfully ignorant of the report, but have chosen to preoccupy their minds with hubris, hypocrisy, arrogance and contempt for the truth.



Opinion versus Facts



The dictator said, “They (ICG) are entitled to their opinion as we are entitled to ours.” That is true. But as the common saying goes, “Everyone is entitled to his own opinions, but not his own facts.” The facts on the dictatorship and “ethnic federalism” are infamous and incontrovertible. It is not a matter of opinion, but hard fact, that after the 2005 elections the dictator unleashed security forces under his personal control to undertake a massive “crackdown on the opposition [that] demonstrated the extent to which the regime is willing to ignore popular protest and foreign criticism to hold on to power.” It is a proven fact by the dictator’s own Inquiry Commission, not opinion, that his “security forces killed almost 200 civilians (the real number is many times that) and arrested an estimated 30,000 opposition supporters”. It is a plain fact that “there is growing discontent with the EPRDF’s ethnically defined state and rigid grip on power and fears of continued inter-ethnic conflict.” It is an undeniable fact that the dictatorship has caused “continuous polarisation of national politics that has sharpened tensions between and within parties and ethnic groups since the mid-1990s. The EPRDF’s ethnic federalism has not dampened conflict, but rather increased competition among groups that vie over land and natural resources, as well as administrative boundaries and government budgets.” It is a fact just as sure as the sun will rise tomorrow that “Without genuine multi-party democracy, the tensions and pressures in Ethiopia’s polities will only grow, greatly increasing the possibility of a violent eruption that would destabilise the country and region.”



It is true the dictator is entitled to his own opinion, but not his own facts!



The Art of Distraction



What could possibly be “contemptible” about the ICG report? The obvious way to counter a report by a respected international think-tank is by presenting countervailing evidence that undermines confidence in the report’s findings and conclusions. But the dictator opts for something proverbially attributed to the legal profession: “When the law is against you, argue the facts. When the facts are against you, argue the law. When both are against you, pound the table and attack and abuse the plaintiff.” In this case, when you can’t handle the facts and the truth, throw a fit, make a scene, vilify the ICG, demonize the individual authors, demean the report with cheap shots and declare moral victory with irrational outbursts.



But why throw a temper tantrum?



The fact of the matter is that “ethnic federalism” is indefensible in theory or practice. The ICG report hit a raw nerve by exposing the fundamental flaws in the dictatorship’s phony “ethnic federalism” ideology. The report makes it crystal clear that the scheme of “ethnic federalism” is unlikely to keep the nine ethnic-based states in orbit around the dictatorship much longer. The ICG’s reasonable fear is that over time irrepressible centripetal political contradictions deep within Ethiopian society could potentially trigger an implosion of the Ethiopian nation. This argument is logical, factually-supported and convincing. As we have previously suggested, “ethnic federalism” is a glorified nomenclature for apartheid-style Bantustans . By unloading verbal abuse and sarcasm on the ICG, the dictator is trying to divert attention from the central finding of the report: Ethnic federalism is highly likely to lead to the disintegration of the Ethiopian nation. That is what the dictator’s sound and fury is all about!



What Makes for a Strong Federalism?



We believe the ICG report does not go far enough in explicitly suggesting a way out of the “ethnic federalism” morass. It seems implicit in the report that if “ethnic federalism” is dissolved as a result of forceful action by the “states”, the country’s national disintegration could be accelerated. If the dictatorship fails to reform or modify it significantly, ethnic tensions will continue to escalate resulting in an inevitable upheaval. If the dictatorship escalates its use of force to keep itself in power, it could pave the way for the ultimate and inevitable collapse of the country into civil strife. All of these scenarios place the Ethiopian people on the horns of a dilemma.



We believe there are important elements from the Ghanaian Constitution that could be incorporated to produce a strong and functioning federal system in Ethiopia. As we have argued before , Ghana’s 1992 Constitution provides a powerful antidote to the poison of ethnic and tribal politics: “Every political party shall have a national character, and membership shall not be based on ethnic, religious, regional or other sectional divisions.” Membership in a political party is open to “every citizen of Ghana of voting age” and every citizen has the right to “disseminate information on political ideas, social and economic programmes of a national character.” Ghanaian citizens’ political and civic life is protected by the rule of law and an independent judiciary. Citizens freely express their opinions without fear of government retaliation; and the media vociferously criticizes government policies and officials without censorship. Ghana has a strong judiciary with extraordinary constitutional powers to the point of making the failure to obey or carry out the terms of a Supreme Court order a “high crime”. Ghana’s independent electoral commission is responsible for voter registration, demarcation of electoral boundaries, conduct and oversight of all public elections and referenda and electoral education. The Commission’s decisions are respected by all political parties. These are the essential elements missing from the bogus theory of “ethnic federalism” foisted upon the people of Ethiopia.



Ob la di, Ob la da…



It is truly pathetic that after nearly twenty years in power the best the dictators can offer the suffering Ethiopian people is an empty plate and a bellyful of contempt, acrimony and anger. Well, ob la di, ob la da, life goes on forever! So will the Ethiopian Nation, united and strong under the rule of law and the Grace of the Almighty. If South Africa can be delivered from the plague of the Bantustans, have no doubts whatsoever that Ethiopia will also be delivered from the plague of the Kililistans!



The writer, Alemayehu G. Mariam, is a professor of political science at California State University, San Bernardino, and an attorney based in Los Angeles. For comments, he can be reached at almariam@gmail.com