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Friday, September 11, 2009

Ethiopian Human Rights Violations contniued Causing displacement

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For decades, Ethiopia has been affected by famine and conflict. In 2009, there have been various reports of internal displacement resulting from conflicts and human rights violations perpetrated by the army and groups opposed to the government. It is difficult to establish the number of internally displaced people (IDPs) as neither the government nor any international organization has undertaken a profiling exercise. The access of humanitarian and human rights organizations and the media to some areas of the country has been restricted.
The ongoing conflicts in Somali Region between the army and the Ogaden National Liberation Front, and in the south and south-west of the country with the Oromo Liberation Front, both pose serious security, humanitarian and protection challenges. The impact on civilians of the conflict in Somali Region has been likened to that of Darfur. Meanwhile, there are also conflicts in at least five of the country’s nine regions with causes ranging from competition over scarce water and pasture resources to disputes over administrative boundaries. In February 2009 alone, some 160,000 people were driven from their homes by conflict between the Garre of the Somali region and the Boran of the Oromiya region over a contested piece of land.
Displacement in Ethiopia is well documented but there is no evidence of durable solutions for IDPs. There is no agency or ministry mandated to respond to issues of forced internal displacement. Even though Ethiopia is actively involved in the drafting of the African Union convention on internally displaced people, there is growing evidence to suggest that conflicts in the country have far-reaching implications for protection and humanitarian assistance for internally displaced people. In a context of widespread impunity, no-one sanctioning violence that leads to displacement has been prosecuted.
The absence of political efforts to resolve internal conflicts and the continuing border dispute with Eritrea presents an ongoing serious risk of renewed conflict and displacement in the Horn of Africa. If the government does not improve humanitarian access, affected IDPs and other vulnerable people will continue to face a protection and humanitarian crisis.
Background: locations and causes of conflict and displacement
For decades, Ethiopia has faced severe famines and regional and international conflicts. From 1977 to 1978 it waged a war with Somalia in which the USA and USSR were involved, it fought a border war with Eritrea between 1998 and 2000, and from 2007 to early 2009 its army was pitted against insurgents (supported by Eritrea) and other nationalist groups in Somalia (The Enough Project, 9 February 2009).
Ethiopia was transformed from a unitary state to an ethnic federal state in 1994 by the new government led by the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which seized power from the Dergue government of Mengistu Haile Mariam in 1991. This new constitutional order was intended to redress the ethno-national grievances among the many ethnic groups in the country (International Journal on Minority and Group Rights, 2008).
However, despite this system of ethnic federalism under which the country is divided into ethnically-defined regions and zones, in almost all cases, displacement was triggered by conflict between different ethnic groups over access to political power or scarce resources such as water and pastoral or agricultural land. There are several conflict-induced displacement situations in Ethiopia, the largest occurring in the administrative regions of Somali, Oromiya, Gambella and Tigray. In addition to these, the government’s counter-insurgency activities in regions such as Oromiya, Somali, and Gambella have led to serious human rights violations which have also led to displacement of civilians (HRW, June 2008; ISS, May 2007).
In November 2008, a study undertaken by the Ethiopian NGO African Rally for Peace and Development (ARPD) showed internal armed conflicts in most of the regions of Ethiopia, including Oromiya, Tigray, Somali, Southern Nationalities and Peoples Republic (SNNPR), Afar, Gambella, and Benishangul-Gumuz (ARPD, November 2008). The US State Department’s 2008 Human Rights Report on Ethiopia reported that ethnically-based conflicts in western, eastern and southern areas had resulted in an increase in killings and injuries since 2007 and the displacement of tens of thousands of people (USDoS, 25 February 2009).
According to ARPD, the major causes of conflicts within Ethiopia’s regions are ethnicity, disputed border and administrative arrangements, the impact on the distribution of resources and power, large-scale spontaneous and planned migration, religious differences, and mineral extraction.
The Borena zone of Oromiya Region, Gambella Region and SNNPR have witnessed recent intra-ethnic and inter-ethnic conflicts (ARPD, November 2008; ISS, 1 May 2007). In August 2008, inter-clan conflict displaced almost 13,000 people in Gambella Region (interview with OCHA, 5 June 2009).
Even though numbers of people displaced by conflict and human rights violations are not easy to establish due to the restrictions that are placed on the activities of media reporters and humanitarian organisations wishing to profile populations in need, the UN and other international organisations estimate that over 300,000 people are displaced by conflict or violence in Ethiopia in 2009 (interviews in Addis Ababa, June 2009).
Somali Region
The conflict between the government and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) in Somali Region has continued into 2009 (BBC, 9 March 2009; Garoweonline, 8 March 2009). In an August 2009 Al-Jazeera interview, Genocide Watch founder and president Gregory Stanton and the human rights activist Fowsia Abdulkadir described a “genocide-like” situation comparable to Darfur, with reports of killings and burning of villages despite the army’s severe access restrictions on the media and humanitarian organisations (Al-Jazeera, 9 August 2009).
These restrictions make it impossible to establish the number or situation of people displaced by the conflict in Somali region (The Christian Science Monitor, 26 February 2008; Reuters, 27 February 2008; VOA, 25 February 2009). However, many analysts talk of displacements of hundreds of thousands of people (interviews in 2009 in Addis Ababa, Geneva, and Nairobi).
According to a 2008 Human Rights Watch (HRW) report, the government’s counter-insurgency campaign against the ONLF, designed to cut off civilian support to the ONLF and concentrate its rural support base in designated larger villages and towns, had caused widespread forced displacement, particularly between June and August 2007. The government had ordered civilians to relocate from small villages and pastoralist settlements to designated towns throughout the conflict-affected zones, typically ordering the villagers and nomads to move within two to seven days. To secure compliance with the evacuation orders, the army had repeatedly implemented a phased system of terror involving the confiscation and killing of livestock, public executions, and the destruction of villages by burning (HRW, June 2008; p.33).
Oromiya Region
Another rebel group operates in southern Ethiopia and northern Kenya and claims to be fighting for the autonomy of the Oromo people. The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) has fought the Ethiopian army since 1973. Little information is available on how this conflict has caused displacement due to government restrictions. In August 2009, the government summoned the Ambassador of Kenya, demanding that his government stop a private media company in Kenya airing an investigation on the OLF (Daily Nation, 6 August 2009).
Conflicts over disputed administrative borders
In October 2008, approximately 100,000 people were displaced as a result of conflict in the Filtu and Hudet areas over a disputed border between the ethnically-defined Oromiya and Somali Regions (IDMC interview, Addis Ababa, 9 June 2009). In the majority of cases, people sought shelter with host communities, while others scattered in the surrounding bush.
In early 2009, ethnic clashes between Somali and Oromo ethnic groups displaced tens of thousands of people. The conflict was triggered when the Oromiya regional authorities started drilling a borehole on contested land close to the dividing line between the Oromiya and Somali Regions, which has never been properly demarcated. When the Garre Somalis destroyed the rig, members of the Borana clan mobilised to take revenge, angry at what they saw as years of Somali encroachment. Some 300 people lost their lives during the conflict (BBC, 26 February 2009). Initial reports suggested 70,000 people were displaced (BBC, 13 March 2009), but regional government officials later put the figure at over 150,000 (interview with Somali and Oromiya officials in Moyale, 17 June 2008).
In October 2008, almost 18,000 people were displaced in Alaba district of SNNPR as a result of inter-ethnic conflict between the Arsi and the Alaba over a disputed administrative boundary (IDMC interview, Addis Ababa, 9 June 2009).
Physical security
HRW has reported that serious human rights violations have taken place in areas affected by conflict and displacement, and that the government has not investigated or brought to account the perpetrators (HRW, January 2009). A June 2008 HRW report on Somali region was very critical of the human rights records of both the Ethiopian government and army and the ONLF. According to HRW, violations included military attacks on civilians and their villages, while continuing abuses by both rebels and Ethiopian troops were posing a direct threat to the survival of people remaining in war-affected areas, and creating a pervasive culture of fear (HRW, June 2008).
HRW also reported a military campaign of forced relocations and destruction of villages in 2007 (HRW, June 2008). Villagers told HRW how the army killed herders and other fleeing civilians, and burned homes, property and food stocks (HRW, 3 October 2007). Reuters also reported that the burning of villages was forcing locals to flee to the bush where their basic needs were unmet (Reuters, 4 September 2007).
Similar allegations of the army committing human rights violations against the civilian population in the Somali Region were also documented by Amnesty International, the US Department of State and Genocide Watch (AI, 28 May 2009; USDoS, 25 February 2009; Al-Jazeera, 9 August 2009).
Satellite images have backed up reports that the Ethiopian army has burnt towns and villages in Somali Region. The American Association for the Advancement of Science says the images confirm the HRW report and show the army systematically ill-treating civilians in their counter-insurgency campaign (BBC, 12 June 2008).
Gender-based violence is also said to be widespread in Somali region, which is reportedly openly countenanced by the army. Several witnesses have reported that they were gang-raped to the point of unconsciousness by soldiers (Al-Jazeera, 9 August 2009; HRW, June 2008; Reuters, 27 February 2008).
In the February 2009 conflict between the Garre-Somali and the Oromiya-Boran, 300 lives were lost. The BBC reported that many of the displaced had had their villages destroyed and their property stolen (BBC, 13 March 2009).
Landmines continue to hamper the free movement of people in conflict areas. Ethiopia is one of the most heavily-mined countries in Africa. A Norwegian People’s Aid (NPA) survey found that 1.9 million people were at risk and identified almost 1,500 communities affected by landmines (Afrol News, 15 April 2009).
Humanitarian access
The activities of aid workers have been severely restricted in regions such as Somali. Humanitarian agencies have since 2008 been granted permission to deliver food but the military escorts still hinder full access (Daily Telegraph, 17 October 2008; BBC News, 19 September 2008; The Times, 18 September 2008). The army has maintained control over humanitarian aid by accompanying convoys, and determining whether it is safe for a delivery to go ahead. Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) has been denied access to Somali Region, and has called on the government to immediately allow its teams to provide assistance to people in the region who are facing an increasingly desperate situation (MSF, 4 September 2007). In July 2008, the Swiss arm of MSF halted its operations in the Region, due to the obstacles put in its way. According to the organisation’s statement: “The authorities’ attitude towards humanitarian organisations has translated into recurrent arrests of MSF Switzerland staff without charge or explanation… Despite continuous attempts to improve the working relations with authorities, our organisation can only regret the absence of any room to bring independent and impartial assistance.” (IRIN, 10 July 2008)
Insecurity in some parts of the country has also hindered aid delivery. In September 2008, two aid workers working for an international organisation were kidnapped by gunmen in Somali Region (BBC, 23 September 2008).
National and international responses
The absence of political effort to resolve internal conflicts and the continuing border dispute with Eritrea presents an ongoing serious risk of renewed conflict in the Horn of Africa, with potential for large-scale displacement and severe humanitarian consequences. At a recent joint meeting between the House of the Federation and representatives of all nine regional governments in Benishangul-Gumuz Region, regional governments accused the federal authorities of not doing enough to help them contain conflicts in the regions (The Reporter, 15 August 2009).
The government’s strong control of humanitarian response mechanisms has left many of the disasters either unreported or played down. Responses have been fragmented, inadequate, late, and have left affected populations in an even worse situation (interview in Geneva, November 2008). For example, government food distribution policies have reportedly prevented assistance reaching people in need (AI, 2009); The Telegraph, 17 October 2008; BBC News, 19 September 2008; The Times, 18 September 2008, IRIN, 10 July 2008).
If the government does not improve humanitarian access, affected IDPs and other vulnerable people will continue to face a protection and humanitarian crisis (ICG, 17 June 2008). USAID reported in March 2008 that “literally hundreds of areas… have neither been assessed nor received any food assistance”, with “populations terrorised by the inability to access food” (The Times, 18 September 2008). The British Channel 4 reported that the army had withheld food from villages in Somali Region as part of a “scorched earth” policy against the ONLF (BBC, 19 September 2008; The Times, 18 September 2008). Before the British Minister for International Development toured a hospital in the town of Kebri Dehar during a visit to Somali Region in October 2008, local officials forced starving infants out of the emergency ward and on to the street (The Telegraph, 17 October 2008).
There is no dedicated government agency or office or a focal point that is known to be dealing with conflict-induced displacement. In August 2008, the government disbanded the Disaster Prevention and Preparedness Agency (DPPA) whose responsibilities were to be to anticipate and prevent disasters and build local capacities to do so as well and transferred its mandate to the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development. Ministry officials now charged with disaster risk management (DRM) anticipate the increased decentralisation of these DRM responsibilities. A proposed policy has called for the mainstreaming of disaster risk management throughout government and greatly strengthened disaster management capacity at the highest levels of government. Debates continue within the government regarding the policy and it is unclear if or when it will be adopted and to what degree this will deal with conflict-induced displacement (ODI, June 2009).
Government line ministries normally help UN agencies disburse food and sanitation assistance (OCHA Humanitarian Bulletin, 10 August 2009). In July 2009, the UN disbursed some $6 million towards helping the Ethiopian government help contain the rising challenges of food insecurity, malnutrition, and ensure health care and water and sanitation support, mostly in displacement-affected areas of Somali, Oromiya, and SNNPR (IRIN, 27 July 2009).
In August 2009, the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) recommended to the government “to ensure that refugees and other vulnerable persons, such as internally displaced persons, enjoy their rights under national law as well as various international legal instruments to which it is a party…” The Committee further requested the State Party to “provide, in its next periodic report, detailed information on the human rights situation of refugees and internally displaced persons on its territory…” (CERD, 31 August 2009).
Source:IDMC

Kenya, Ethiopia riled over documentary (OLF)?

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KIGALI, Rwanda A documentary has sparked a diplomatic row between the governments of neighboring Kenya and Ethiopia, threatening to unravel one of the region's most delicate relationships.
The four-part series, "Inside Rebel Territory: Rag-Tag Fighters of the Oromo Liberation Front," documents the training of fighters for a rebel group operating in the disputed Oromia region of Ethiopia.

For more than 30 years, the Oromo Liberation Front has fought a separatist struggle with Ethiopia -- what the group describes as a "national liberation struggle" but which the government in Addis Ababa brands a terrorist movement.

Ethiopian officials tried to muzzle the doc before its August broadcast on Kenyan commercial web Nation Television, owned by the Nation Media Group.

In a stiffly worded protest to the Nation Media Group, Ethiopian Ambassador Disasa Dirribsa labeled the OLF "a terrorist group whose activities have been known to be anti-democratic and anti-peace."

He accused NTV of speaking "for these terrorist elements in our sub-region," and even went so far as to "question NTV's covert or overt political agenda."

After tense negations with its Ethiopian counterpart, Kenya's foreign ministry concurred, citing the program as a threat to the country's national interests.

Nation Media Group editorial director Joe Odindo calls "Inside Rebel Territory," made by NTV reporter Yassin Juma and cameraman Eric Okoth, a "very straight program, factual and balanced."

"It's an introduction to the Oromo issue," he says. "It did not go into the complexities of the Oromo problem in Ethiopia."

The contrast between Kenya, which enjoys one of Africa's freest media environments, and Ethiopia could not be more stark.

According to Reporters Without Borders, Ethiopia is one of the most repressive regimes in sub-Saharan Africa, with heavy prison sentences common for journalists considered guilty of defamation or publishing false news.

A journalist for the Oromo service of Ethiopia's state-run ETV has been in prison since 2005, accused of being an OLF informant.

The flap over "Inside Rebel Territory" comes at a time of increasing tension and uncertainty in East Africa, with violence in Somalia threatening to destabilize the region.

Pro-Western governments in Addis Ababa and Nairobi have become important bulwarks against a rising tide of Islamic fundamentalism. And economic interests are at stake as well, as a proposed railway link between the two countries reflects the growing importance of their economic ties.

Despite the sensitivity of the doc's subject -- which was, Odindo admits, a "military security issue" for Ethiopia -- NTV refused to pull it.

It delayed airing the final two parts of the series for two days as it reviewed the content for balance and offered to interview the Ethiopian ambassador for the doc's final part, but was rebuffed.

The Kenyan government backed down.

"They wanted certain things, but when they looked at the program, they realized what they were concerned about had already [been addressed]," says Odindo.

"We aired the program, because we have a duty to do so, and we have the freedom to do so," he says.

The four-part series can now be seen on NTV's YouTube channel

KEEN donates over 1,500 pairs of shoes to orphanages in Ethiopia

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Last week, KEEN was able to make one HybridLife Community member’s donation dreams a reality. Throughout the month of August, KEEN collected over 1,500 pairs of shoes for Le Toukoul Orphanage, a group of orphanages in Ethiopia.

The shoes are being collected by volunteers of Ethiopian Orphan Relief (EOR). EOR is a non-profit made up of adoptive parents who work to improve the living conditions and lives of Ethiopian orphans by working with the orphanages and adoption agency care houses to provide supplies, infrastructure and experiences. EOR has partnered with established non-governmental organizations, such as Le Toukoul, as well as AHOPE for

Shoes donatedChildren (a home for HIV positive children), Children’s Heaven (a home for orphaned teenage girls) and Children’s Home Society and family services Hope for Hosanna Project (a project by an American adoption agency to build a school and medical facility in Ethiopia)

At present, 13.2% of the children in Ethiopia, 3.8million, are orphaned. International adoption touches only a tiny fraction of these orphans; in 2006, only 731 Ethiopian orphans were adopted by American parents. EOR exists to serve the needs of these orphans by improving their lives and living conditions.

EOR’s current projects are to provide a playground at Toukoul, a water filtration system for AHOPE for Children, a facility to house Children’s Heaven and a sanitation system for the Hope for Hosanna School.

If you would like to contribute to these projects, or receive more information, please contact EOR at info@ethiopianorphanrelief.org or visit the website at

Projects feed the hungry

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Published: September 11, 2009 4:00 PM
Updated: September 11, 2009 4:14 PM

Dagife Dawit was only a few months old when a drought struck the hills of southern Ethiopia, withering the beans and other crops on his parents’ small farm.

His mother, Adanach Doyamo, sold her two goats and her calf to buy staple foods, such as flour. But long before the rains returned, the family’s food ran out.

Doyamo recalls how she grew thin and her son, whom she was nursing, became malnourished.

“His hair became reddish and his legs became swollen,” she says.

Hunger is a continual threat among the poor in Ethiopia, a predominantly rural country where most families grow their own food and rely on rain for irrigation.

Recurring drought and economic problems like the global food crisis can make it impossible for families to grow or buy enough food during hard times.

The statistics are grim. Nearly half of Ethiopian children are undernourished, and one child in eight does not live to the age of five.

MCC is responding to hunger in Ethiopia by providing emergency food rations when crops fail and helping farmers conserve water and fertile topsoil to increase their yields.

Dagife’s family received extra food until the rains returned and his parents harvested their own corn, cabbage, and other vegetables.

“There is a great change,” Doyamo says, holding Dagife on her lap. “His swollen legs have now become normal. His reddish hair has turned to black and he is happy.”

This is just one example of the many ways in which MCC’s Food for All projects are making a difference to those who are hungry. For more information, visit mcc.org/foodforall.

ICG warns of violence in Ethiopia

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Ethiopia, September 10, 2009 (Pal Telegraph)- A new International Crisis Group report says Ethiopia is becoming an authoritarian one-party state, and warns that government policies there could lead to a violent eruption ahead of next year's elections. The report also faults the international community for downplaying Ethiopia's weak democracy.



The 40-page report by the International Crisis Group says that despite its democratic rhetoric, the government of Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi is unwilling to give up power. Moreover, it says the government's cornerstone policy, known as "ethnic federalism," has heightened tensions and sparked growing discontent in Ethiopia, with poten-tially explosive consequences.

The government says that its federalism policy is designed to give Ethiopia's many ethnic groups equal power. But critics say that the country's Tigrayan minority effectively controls most of the levers of power at the expense of the larger Amhara and Oromo ethnic groups.
Government spokesman Bereket Simon declined immediate comment on the report, saying he would schedule a news conference in a few days.

The Crisis Group report says authoritarianism in Ethiopia is a legacy of the government's origin as the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front, or TPLF, that ousted former dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam in a 1991 coup.

The study notes that the decision-making and organizational principles of Prime Minister Meles's ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front, or EPRDF, reflect the Marxist-Leninist philosophy that has guided the TPLF from its beginning.

Political scientist Merera Gudina at Addis Ababa University is an expert on Ethiopia's competing ethnic national-isms, a member of parliament and leader of the Oromo People's Congress.

He accuses the government of using terms like "democracy," "federalism," "rule of law," and "free and fair elec-tions" to satisfy Western donor countries, while it tightens its grip on power.

"The EPRDF is not committed to multi-party democracy," said Merera Gudina. "The multi-party democracy the EPRDF is doing is really to play American music and to do their own dance. They play American music, multi-party democracy, free and fair elections, rule of law. All that is good in the Western books of democracy. They want to play it, but they never dance it, that means implement it. So 'Revolutionary Democracy' is really the hegemony of one, one group." The Crisis Group report also has harsh words for Western countries that, it says, consider food security more important than democracy. The United States is the largest single donor of food assistance to Ethiopia, giving hundreds of millions of dollars in aid last year.

The Crisis Group report calls on the international community to take Ethiopia's governance problems more se-riously and adopt a more principled position toward the government of Meles Zenawi.

Merera Gudina warns that Ethiopia's outward calm could break down unless the people's aspirations for democracy and federalism are fulfilled.

"In a modern sense, you can say there is no federalism without democracy," said Gudina. "In fact, you know what destroyed the USSR and Yugoslavia? False federalism and false elections. The real danger in Ethiopia is false federalism and false elections. You simply call people to elect, but you deny people to elect whom they want. You say federalism and then deny it; praise federalism, but the reality on the ground speaks differently. That is the danger." Merera says given Ethiopia's recent history of election-related violence, the best outcome for next year's election might be a power sharing agreement. He points to Zimbabwe and neighboring Kenya as examples.

The author of the report, the International Crisis Group, is an independent, non-profit, non-governmental organiza-tion headquartered in Brussels. The group is involved in 60 areas of conflict or potential conflict on four continents.

Its board includes many prominent figures, including former U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan. It is co-chaired by former European Commissioner for External Affairs Chris Patton and former U.S. Ambassador to the United Na-tions, Thomas Pickering. Its President and Chief Executive Officer is the former U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights and International Criminal Tribunals Prosecutor, Louise Arbour. - VOA


Source: Thai Press Reports

David Miliband: MI6 investigated for torture

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MI6 is being investigated by the police over allegations of torture for the first time. It follows a similar investigation already launched into MI5.

By Duncan Gardham, Security Correspondent
Published: 1:14PM BST 11 Sep 2009



Binyam Mohamed claims MI5 knew he was being tortured and fed questions to his interrogators through the CIA Photo: PA The Secret Intelligence Service (SIS) has referred an unidentified case involving alleged complicity in torture to the Attorney General who has in turn referred it on to the Metropolitan Police, the Daily Telegraph can disclose.

The police are already investigating MI5, the Security Service, over allegations that they colluded in the torture of the former Guantanamo detainee, Binyam Mohamed.


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Police investigate Binyam torture claims It is the first time that the foreign intelligence service and domestic security service have been the subject of police investigations.

The police said the MI6 case was unrelated to Mohamed and involved the conditions under which a foreign national was detained, although it did not say when or in which country.

A Metropolitan Police spokesman said: "We can confirm that the Attorney General asked the Metropolitan Police to investigate a case that was a referral from the Secret Intelligence Service.

"This is unrelated to Binyam Mohamed but looks at the conditions under which a non-British citizen was detained and the potential involvement of British personnel.

"An investigation is ongoing."

David Miliband, the Foreign Secretary, has written to William Hague, his opposite number in the Tory party, telling him the case had been referred by the Attorney General to the police.

He told Mr Hague: “This case was referred to the Attorney General by SIS on its own initiative, unprompted by any accusation against the service or the individual concerned. It is for the police to investigate.

“The Government cannot comment further both to avoid prejudice and to protect the individuals involved. The scope and handling of any police investigation is a matter for the police themselves.

He added: “The Government wholeheartedly condemns torture. We will not condone it. Neither will we ever ask others to do it on our behalf. This is not mere rhetoric but a principled stance consistent with our unequivocal commitment to human rights. We are fortunate to have the best security and intelligence services and armed forces in the world. We are all safer because of the work they do with integrity and bravery.”

The existence of MI5 and MI6, which celebrate their centenary this year, was not even acknowledged until 1992 but since then the government has laid out an explicit legal framework that governs their activity.

Sir John Scarlett, the head of MI6, known as “C”, said in his first interview last month that they would allow “no torture and there is no complicity with torture” in the service.

Sir John said his officers were “as committed to the values and the human rights values of liberal democracy as anybody else.”

But he added: “They also have the responsibility of protecting the country against terrorism and these issues need to be debated and understood in that context.”

A number of detainees have made allegations of torture, among them the al-Qaeda terrorists Rangzieb Ahmed and Salahuddin Ahmed, although both cases were rejected by the courts.

Twelve others who were detained in Guantanamo Bay are pursing damages cases through the courts including Binyam Mohamed.

Mohamed, 30, an Ethiopian refugee, claims MI5 knew he was being tortured in Morocco and fed questions to his interrogators through the CIA.

A ruling by the High Court last year said the role of MI5 went “far beyond that of a bystander or witness to the alleged wrongdoing.”

Sheikh Zayed Islamic Cultural Centre in Ethiopia to be inaugurated tomorrow

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commander of the UAE Armed Forces, as well with the follow up from the chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Zayed Foundation for Charitable and Humanitarian Works, HH Sheikh Ahmed Bin Zayed Al Nahyan.

Acting Director General of the Zayed Foundation Salem Obeid Al Dhahiri said that the finishing touches to the Centre have been completed and is ready for opening tomorrow at a glittering ceremony to be attended by ministers, senior officials, members of diplomatic missions, Islamic personalities and the general public in Ethiopia.

The Centre was built as a minaret for spreading the light of the benevolent teachings of Islam in Ethiopia, a country that gave asylum for Muslim refugees during the life-time of the Holy Prophet Mohammed (PBUH).

It is recorded in history that the King of Ethiopia was the first monarch to embrace Islam in the seventh century.

The Zayed Islamic Cultural Centre project was completed with the support from Sheikh Khalifa as a lasting charity on behalf of the late Sheikh Zayed Bin Sultan Al Nahyan.

The Zayed Cultural Centre in Ethiopia is considered one of the largest such centres as it can accommodate 3200 worshippers at a single prayer congregation.

The two-storey edifice is characterised by the Islamic architectural splendour and houses several facilities for cultural and social activities.

EU boosts relief aid to Ethiopia

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Addis Ababa, Ethiopia - The European Commission has earmarked US$14million as part of its efforts to increase relief aid to Ethiopia's vulnerable population, the organisation's chief humanitarian aid Commissioner Karel De Gucht announced on Thursday.

The European Commission's financing decision for expanded humanitarian aid to vulnerable people in Ethiopia will see the current aid to Ethiopia's rise to29 million euros to aid nearly 14 million people in dire need of food aid.

"The funds are channelled through the European Commissionâ?s Humanitarian Aid Department (ECHO) under the responsibility of Karel De Gucht, Commissioner for Development and Humanitarian Aid. This brings the Com mission's total humanitarian support in 2009 to Ethiopia to 29 million euros," a statement issued on Thursday said.

The Head of the European Commission Delegation to Ethiopia, Dino Sinigallia, said: "Ethiopia faces growing humanitarian challenges which are largely due to climate change. Poor rainfall has (led) to a series of failed harvests across the country and has led to food insecurity.

''The new allocation of 10 euros million is for immediate humanitarian food assistance countrywide. The European Commission is working closely with the Ethiopian Government and our partners in the field to ensure that this food assistance reaches the people most in need.'

ECHO has been providing humanitarian relief in Ethiopia since 2004. Over 115 million euros have been committed to projects run by ECHO partners.

These projects are implemented countrywide with a major focus on the most affected areas of Tigray, Amhara, Somali Regional State, Southern Oromiya and Afar regions.

European Commission-funded humanitarian projects are implemented by non-governmental relief organisations, specialised UN agencies and the Red Cross/Red Crescent movement. ECHO has a technical office in Addis Ababa.

Its field experts closely follow developments in the humanitarian situation and play an active role in local coordination of relief efforts. They also monitor the use of the Commission's relief funds.

In 2008, The European Commission provided over 936 million euros for humanitarian programmes in more than 70 countries worldwide.

Ethiopia opposition parties form new alliance

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By Tesfa-alem Tekle

September 10, 2009(ADDIS ABABA) — Eight major Ethiopian opposition political parties, in an unexpected move, announced a new coalition on Thursday to challenge the ruling party, most expected to win, in the upcoming national election.

The new coalition is announced two days after the ruling, Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), party’s council decided its chairman and the Prime minister of Ethiopia Meles Zenawi to stay in power for one more term.

As its primary plan of action, the opposition umbrella named as Forum for Democratic Dialogue in Ethiopia (FDDE) in a joint statement said that it will enter into negotiation with government for expansion of democratic space and transparency ahead of the elections.

Ethiopian Prime Minister convoying Ethiopia’s New Year wishes yesterday reaffirmed that his government is dedicated to conduct democratic and fair election. But some opposition leaders who spoke recently to Sudan Tribune said that they are already being harassed by government cadres, which they said is making it impossible for them to conduct election campaigns.

Other opposition members allege that their potential candidates are being intimidated or arrested on false charges; their regional offices are being closed. Government officials reject the claims as "an empty allegation with no single concrete proof".

Recently Ethiopia’s former president and opposition MP accused government of being behind disruption of a public political meeting in Adama town of the Oromiya region.

"Continuously endorsed new laws like the press laws, the passing of the civil society law and anti terror laws are leaving no democratic space to opposition political parties but arrest of political figures and journalists" the new coalition said in a joint statement

The FDDE also said that it will soon organize a public demonstration in Addis Ababa to push for the release of detained opposition leaders.

The new alliance comprises the Ethiopian Democratic Unity Movement, the Ethiopian and Oromo Federalist Movement, the Somali Democratic Alliance Forces, UDJ, the Arena Tigray Democratic and Sovereignty Party and the United Ethiopian Democratic Forces (UEDF).

Gebru Asrat, the former northern Tigray region’s president is elected to lead the new alliance. He is also the leader of the Arena Tigray party. His party strongly believes that the Eritrea’s port of Assab should be returned back to Ethiopia.

The parties under the new alliance make up 80 of the nation’s parliament’s total 547 seats